We often hear that the historic May Day has lost its lustre, that working class unity and resistance has become a thing of the past. Recent weeks have seen several working class actions that promise to prove these sceptics wrong. In what follows we bring you not only brief reports of May Day celebration from different parts of the country, but glimpses of some significant working class struggles from different sectors. Also included is a review of a film dealing with the tragedy of Mumbai’s forgotten textile workers.

May Day 2010: Growing Solidarity, United Resolve

Workers all over the country under the banner of AICCTU observed May Day this year as a day of workers’ growing solidarity and resolve against anti-worker policies, price rise and state repression.

In Delhi, workers observed May Day with protest marches and mass meetings at Patparganj industrial area, Kondli, Mandavali, Jaitpur, Wazirpur and Bhorgarh industrial area (Narela). DTC workers and technicians held gate meetings at Central Workshop (2nd). At Noida one hundred rickshaw pullers held a rally with their cycle rickshaws well decorated with red flags.

In Tamilnadu, a week-long padayatra culminated in a mass meeting at Chennai.

In Karnataka, the main May Day event was held near Electronic City, Bangalore, announcing the entry of the union in yet another centre of global capital within Bangalore. Covering a stretch of more than 50 km between Bangalore and Hosur (Tamil Nadu), this is one of the longest and biggest industrial belts in the country. The rally started from Hebbagudi Bus stand, marched through workers’ residential localities like Gollahalli and Veerasandra and culminated in a massive public meeting in front of the RMC Readymix (India) company in which AICCTU union is functioning. One batch of workers hoisted flags in their respective plants located at two different corners of Bangalore, assembled at Whitefield and marched in motorbikes, cars and vans to reach the rally spot near Electronic City. Another batch of workers reached the spot by van from Mysore Road plant, yet another corner of Bangalore. The motorcade from Whitefield to Electronic City covered more than 25 KM and was very colourful and attractive.

Hundreds of workers marched through the streets raising slogans against price rise, state repression, proposed labour reforms and increased offensive against the working class. They demanded a monthly minimum wage of Rs.11000, social security to all unorganized workers and security for migrant workers. The demand for food for all, jobs for all, rights and dignity to workers and toiling peasants - reverberated all through the march.

In Orissa, 100 members of different workers’ unions participated in a flag hoisting and day-long programme organised by the AICCTU at the Nagbhushan Bhawan in Bhubaneswar, and events were also held at Rourkela, Gunupur, Rajkanika, Bhadrak and Puri.

In UP, construction workers affiliated to AICCTU held a rally at Lucknow; AIALA held meetings at Bhadaura and Jakhania in Gazipur districts; and events were held in Allahabad, Kanpur and Faizabad-Ayodhya.

It Chhattisgarh, 1000 workers from Raipur, Bilaspur, Durg, Rajnandgaon, Mahasamund and other districts participated in the ten kilometer long May Day rally starting from Bilaspur railway station to the DM’s office. The rally was organised by Chhatisgarh Mukti Morcha and AICCTU. A rally comprising 350 workers was held in Bhilai demanding restitution of the sanitation workers who were sacked just for demanding payment of minimum wages. May Day was observed in rock mines at Mura in Raipur and Jagdalpur in Bastar where 150 workers participated.

Meetings of workers took place at Gwalior and Bhind in MP. At Vilad in Valsad District of Gujarat, workers from the Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation observed May Day. Programmes were held at Mansa, Bathinda, Ludhiana, Sangrur and Moga in Punjab. May Day was also observed by AICCTU in independent and joint programmes at Puducherry, Andaman, Karnataka, and Andaman.

In Assam, 2000 workers, mostly tea workers held a procession at Borgong in Sonitpur district organised by the Asom Sangrami Chah Shramik Sangha (ASCSS). At Tinsukia too, the joint organisation committee headed by AICCTU mobilized more than 2000 workers; the highlight of the programme was 200 ASHA workers in their uniforms and specially prepared umbrellas and carrying hundreds of placards and red flags that made the rally very colourful. Many cultural performances were part of the entire procession. The ASCSS and Sadou Asom Gramin Shramik Santha (SAGSS) jointly organised May Day in Jorhat. Events were also held at Nagaon, Maijan, Tingkhong in Dibrugarh and also at Myang and Bonda. Workers from United Workmen’s Union (affiliated to AICCTU) held a May Day meeting at the gates of Guwahati Refinery.

In West Bengal, programmes were held at jute mills, among tea plantation workers and tram workers in Kolkata.

In Patna, the red flag was hoisted at a meeting at the AICCTU office and AICCTU participated in a march along with other Left Trade Unions. At Gaya, a motorcycle march was held; at Purnea motor mechanics held a procession; building workers and employees held a 500-strong procession at Bhagalpur. May Day events were also held at other centres including Darbhanga.

In Jharkhand May Day was marked by coal workers hoisting flags at all ECL collieries; a motorcycle rally at East Jharia; a prabhat pheri in the morning and a mass meeting with other unions in the evening at Bokaro Steel City; meetings and processions at factories in the Bermo and Ramgarh industrial areas; a procession of 1000 unorganised workers at Bagodar; programmes at Jamshedpur and Chakradharpur and a procession at Ranchi.

Rajiv Dimri

Pricol struggle: Breaking out of Encirclement

If it is Operation Green Hunt in Central and Eastern India, in Tamilnadu it is crushing the emerging trend of revolutionary working class movement – with the Pricol struggle as the first and primary target. It was not just the Pricol management, but the Confederation of Indian Industries representing the entire corporate sector, that launched an “encirclement and suppression campaign” of sorts to annihilate the Pricol workers’ struggle for dignity, trade union democracy and a better life. Apart from targeting the Pricol workers’ struggle, several state officials have openly identified the preaching of Marxism-Leninism among workers as a threat and sought to curb the AICCTU and its leaders precisely on this count.

Pricol workers and AICCTU responded to this encirclement not with hesitant, defensive, typical trade unionist steps. Instead, a political offensive was launched. A padayatra from Coimbatore to Chennai, highlighting the basic issues of the toiling masses of Tamilnadu, was planned. It was to start on 17 April with a public meeting at Periyanaickenpalayam in Coimbatore and culminate in a May Day mass rally in Chennai after moving through the districts of Coimbatore, Erode, Namakkal, Salem, Cuddalore,Villupuram, Kanchipuram and Thiruvallur. The timing was significant not only because of the May Day but also because the TN Assembly was in session and the labour grants issue was to be taken up on 30th April.

We duly sought permission for the programme from appropriate police authorities in Periyanaickenpalayam, Coimbatore and the Director General of Police, Tamilnadu, before 10th March 2010. It however soon grew into an interesting legal battle. Acting as a private security agency of the corporate lobby, the Tamilnadu police went out of its way to block the programme. The S.P, Coimbatore rejected permission for the public meeting in perianaickan Palayam as well as the entire Padayatra beyond his jurisdiction in districts other than Coimbatore also. He stated in his orders:

“In view of the law and order problems due to labour unrest at Pricol company, Perianaickan palayam and considering the murder of one Roy J. Geroge, Vice President, Human resources of Pricol on 21.09.2009 by AICCTU members and also their involvement in the last two years in illegal activities and since Coimbatore, Tiruppur, Erode and Salem are highly industrialized districts, the permission for the padayatra and public meetings are rejected”.

We moved a writ petition (WP 7436/2010) on 9th April, where we challenged the SP’s orders on the following main grounds.

a) SP can lead the investigation and prosecution of criminal cases. He cannot step into the shoes of the court and pronounce “GUILTY” verdicts.

b) The SP’s reasoning that the padayatra cannot pass through highly industrialised districts is arbitrary as it denies democratic rights in highly industrialised districts.

c) As peace prevails in Pricol, the SP’s reasoning is contrary to ground reality.

d) The SP has usurped the powers of the DGP by denying permission for the padayatra in other districts beyond Coimbatore.

After the Govrnment pleader took notice, Justice Paul Vasanthakumar asked the DGP as to how the SP could pass orders for entire Tamilnadu which only the DGP could do. The DGP then passed orders on 13.4.2010, once again reiterating the position of the SP, Coimbatore. We were forced to amend the prayer and challenge the DGP’s orders in the same writ petition.

The DGP stated that on consulting ADGP (L&O), SP (Coimbatore), IGP (Intelligence), IGP West Zone, she was told that the President of AICCTU MR. S. Kumarasami is accused no. 1 in the murder case and 150 AICCTU activists figure as accused in 25 cases. The DGP also informed that the procession will disturb industrial peace in view of the violent history of AICCTU.

In WP 7436 / 2010, we filed a miscellaneous petition wherein we sought an interim direction for inauguration of the padayatra on either 17.4.2010 or within a week thereof. This safety provision for a week beyond 17.4.2010 was sought as the very writ petition will otherwise become infructuous after 17.4.2010.

On 16.04.2010, we made a tactical move by giving a new letter to the DGP to hold the inaugural meeting in Coimbatore on 23.4.2010 and to move over to Erode by vehicle on 24.4.2010 and to start the padayatra from Erode on 24.04.2010.

In such circumstances Justice Paul Vasanthakumar on 16.04.2010 directed the DGP to consider and pass orders on our representation dated 16.4.2010 and to give us an audience. The DGP was given time upto 21.04.2010. April 17th and 18th were holidays. On 19th we were given an audience by the DGP. On 21st the DGP was out of station. The ADGP told our delegation on 21st that they would give altered permission if we give up Coimbatore. We did not agree. They thought that since our date was 23.4.2010, our legal challenge will become infructuous by 23.04.2010, if only they could drag us beyond 21.04.2010. They did not expect that we would again move the court on 22.04.2010 itself.

We again filed WP 8537/2010 on 22.04.2010 seeking permission as per our revised petition dated 16.04.2010. We raised the following grounds:

a) The DGP’s order (after consulting all higher police officers) describing Com. Kumarasami as A1 would amount to a Freudian slip and not a mere error. (Kumarasami is accused no. 10 in the murder and conspiracy case) Their aim is to curb AICCTU.

b) Accused persons are presumed to be innocent until proved guilty. Accused persons can even become law makers in the state as well as Centre. Neither our constitution nor our electoral laws prohibit that. Denying the right to freedom of association, expression to accused persons is unconstitutional as being violative of Articles 14 & 19 of the constitution of India.

c) The DGP’s orders will not stand the scrutiny of law as per a decision of the Madras High Court reported in 1991-1-L.W.(CRC) 73 (Nedumaran Vs State of Tamilnadu) and the Supreme Court’s decision reported in 1989 (2) SCC 574 (S. Rangarajan Vs P. Jagajivan Ram)

 The matter was argued by Com. Kumarasami and our advocate K.M. Ramesh. On 22.4.2010, the judge while allowing lunch motion in the morning, told the Govt. Advocate that he will be more interested in knowing what the DGP has done on his direction dated 16.4.2010 to pass orders before 21.04.2010, rather than listening to the petitioner’s arguments.

 It was in such a background that the DGP passed orders on 22.04.2010 and served it on us at about 2.45 pm inside the court hall. The earlier proceedings of the SP and DGP were given up and we were permitted to hold a public meeting in Coimbatore Sivananda Colony on 23.04.2010. We were given permission to hold public meetings and processions in Erode, Pallipalayam, Kumarapalaym, Salem, Virudhachalam, Thirukoilur, Sriperumbudur, Redhills and Ambattur. The police were directed to provide adequate security arrangements. In fact, we were given permission for what we essentially required:

a) a public meeting in Coimbatore, and b) a propaganda yatra.

h3>The Public Meeting in Coimbatore

When the new orders were passed by the DGP on 22.04.2010, Com. Kumarasami was in Salem, attending the party’s cadre convention on the party foundation day. Com. Natarajan, the state General Secretary of AICCTU was in Chennai. April 23rd was a working day in Pricol. There was no time at all for preparation. This meeting place was very important for us, as our struggle nearly commenced from here on the May Day of 2007.

In spite of the paucity of time and preparation, more than 1300 including a few hundred women workers participated in this meeting. Comrades Krishnamurty, Gurusami, Janakiraman (Pricol) Lakshmana Naraynan, Advocate (President, Coimboatre Labour Law Practitioners’ Association), Chandran (LMW), Bharathi (AISA) Bhuvaneswari, Natarajan and Kumarasami spoke in this meeting. More than Rs. 65,000/- was donated to the propaganda yatra on the stage of the meeting.

The Propaganda Yatra

The team of 30 was led by Com. Kumarasami and they all sported a special common uniform for this occasion. This itself was a source of attraction. In Erode, on 24.04.2010 we were greeted by Tamilnadu Labour Front. There was a procession and meeting which were over by 9.30 a.m. Comrades Vijayakumar of TLF and Govindarajan of AICCTU spoke in the meeting.

The very same evening we moved to Pallipalayam. We were met by a posse of police officials and a riot control van. They accompanied us in the procession and public meeting. They outnumbered our team and in fact helped as crowed pullers. The public meeting evoked a good response from the public as well as the police. The police safely accompanied us to Kumarapalayam. There again was a public meeting and procession. Comrade Govindarajan arranged everything. On 25.04.2010 we had a press conference in Salem. There was a meeting of co-optex union. In the evening there was a public meeting. The arrangements were made by Comrades Chandramohan, Mohanasundaram, Ayyandurai and Natarajan.

On 26th we had a procession and public meeting in Tirukoilur, Villupuram distirct. Both events were held in heavily crowded places. Com. Venkatesan made the arrangements and Com. Balasundaram CCM and Party State secretary attended the public meeting. On 27th we were in Virudachalam. That was the day of the All India General Strike. Ironically we were the only organisation to hold a procession and public meeting on that day in TN. In the public meeting, AIALA state President, T.K.S. Janrathanam, Party SCMs, Elangaovan, Venkatesan and Ammaiyappan spoke. The public meeting was addressed by Comrade Balasubramniam AICCTU National Secretary and also Puducherry party secretary. The procession and public meeting were attended by a good number of agrarian workers and youth. On 28th the team was welcomed in Sriperumbudur by Poonamallee Solidarity Forum. Here again was a public meeting and procession. Here Com.T.R.S. Mani, AITUC State Secretary and Com. MuthuKumar, CITU district secretary also addressed the meeting. They both expressed the hope that the spark ignited by AICCTU will become a prairie fire.

On 29th we had a very big rally and public meeting in Redhills. Here elaborate propaganda was carried out. The arrangements were led by AIALA State General Secretary and party SCM Com. Janakirman. On 30th an effective public meeting and processions were organized in Ambattur by comrades Sekar and Palanivel, AICCTU State Secretaries.

The issues of the Yatra

The issues were not Pricol-centered. Class issues of the urban and rural proletariat were raised as political demands. The yatra wanted the TN Assembly to focus on these issues on 30th April.

 TN legislature has passed LA bill 47/2008 on 14.5.2008 to amend the industrial employment Standing Orders Act to provide a better deal to non-permanent work force including Apprentices. The President is yet to give assent to this legislation. The yatra demanded the Central Govt. to expedite the issue and asked the State legislature to pass a resolution to this effect.

 The yatra demanded an amendment to the Trade Unions Act to provide recognition to the union commanding the support of majority of workers.

 The yatra demanded the State govt. to honour its promise of 2 acres of land to 27.5 lakh agricultural workers and poor peasants.

 The yatra demanded the inclusion of poor marginal peasants agricultural and rural workers and all other unorganised workers under the below poverty line list.

 The yatra demanded 5 cents of land each to all urban and rural poor.

 The yatra demanded 50 kg rice at Re1/- per kg and 10 liters of kerosene at Rs. 2/- per litre to all ration card holders.

 The yatra demanded amendments in the contract labour act to regularise contract workers.

 The yatra demanded the TN Govt to come out with a white paper on investments attracted and the concessions given to the investors and the nature and extent of employment created.

These issues and our extensive propaganda materials and our speeches have created enthusiastic response among the toiling masses and have generated confidence among our forces.

From a Class in Itself

To a Class for Itself

Pricol struggle is one of our practical laboratories. When leading comrades were there in jail for 100 days, they had a discussion and decided to join the party and organise and lead the people in and around periyanaickenapalaym. They decided to integrate with all toiling and oppressed sections of society. They eagerly grasped the opportunity of holding the yatra. Tactically they were on a peace offensive inside Pricol and this has also yielded results. They wanted to involve the whole lot of pricol workers in peoples’ issues. Live politicisation is now a continuous process in Pricol. When the yatra was outside Coimbatore the Pricol workers in their areas met thousands of people and collected Rs. 2.2 lakhs from them. During the yatra, classes were held on Lenin’s “Three sources and component parts of Marxism”, Comrade DB’s article on CPI(ML), CPI(Marxist) and CPI(Maoist), and a note on “Pricol: yesterday, today and tomorrow”. More than 500 Pricol workers joined the May Day rally in Chennai. Now they have two immediate programmes.

1. Going in a big team and propagating the all India strike of rural workers on July 7 in the rural district of Pudukottai.

2. Organising a Pricol workers’ festival along with AISA to enhance the social dimensions of the movement.

Some initial steps have been taken, a long journey lies ahead.

May Day 2010

The entire stretch of Thana Street in Chennai wherein the May Day meeting was held was full of colourful digital banners highlighting people’s issues, demands and their resolve to struggle. The stage was well decorated. The whole programme was spirited and the entire audience of 3000 was enthused by the presence and speech of party General Secretary Com. Dipankar. The meeting paid homage to martyrs and took a solemn May Day pledge. Comrades Sankarapandian, Krishnamoorthy, Janakiraman, Bharathi, Natarajan, Balasundaram, Kumarasamialso addressed the meeting. The workers felt that with our increasing profile we should lead bigger struggles in the coming days. The announcement in the State Assembly on 30.04.2010 about the State Govt. reminding once again on 15 April 2010 about LA Bill 47/2008 and about the steps towards an amendment in the Trade Union Act, had a positive impact on the audience and was definitely a boost to their confidence and will.

To sum up, Pricol struggle is not confined to Pricol. It has larger political ramifications. It is a living symbol of class solidarity, dedication, sacrifice, unity, relentless struggle and of course politicisation of the class. The yatra is not only a milestone for AICCTU but also for the working class movement of Tamil Nadu.

S. Kumarasami

Mumbai Motormen Strike – A Warning to the Government

The Joint Action Forum (JAF) of Motormen unions of the running staff of Mumbai local trains went on a hunger strike from 6 AM on May 3, resulting in a lightning strike. The strike not only paralysed the entire metro and its outskirts but the parliament as well for a day. All MPs from Maharashtra, including Congress, BJP and Shiv Sena on the one hand, and the Left parties on the other, raised the issue and Parliament session had to be adjourned several times on May 4. Shiv Sena MPs raised slogans that the parliament will not be allowed to function until Mumbai local train services were resumed. However, it is another story that the same party withdrew its support to the strike on the very same evening following directions from Bal Thackeray. An all-India call for hunger strike, issued by All India Loco Running Staff Association (AILRSA), which would have otherwise been a non-event, turned into a major milestone in the railway workers struggle history, thanks to the lightning strike by the motormen of Mumbai local trains! Political observers say that this is the biggest-ever strike in last 30 years since the historic railway workers’ strike in 1974.

Mumbai motormen displayed exemplary struggling unity and determination against the surrender of established recognized unions like AIRF and NFIR and stuck to the ground in spite of dismissal of around 20 workers without any enquiry and arrest of more than 170 motormen in the name of unlawful assembly and preventing loyal workmen. Maharashtra government invoked Essential Services Maintenance Act (ESMA) to suppress the struggle with iron fist. Still, the government was unable to maintain even a skeleton of loco services. Merely 20% of the trains were plying, which was nothing before the need for carrying more than 65 lakhs of commuters everyday. Quite strangely, the government was forced to advise people not to commute unless it was extremely necessary. The motormen withdrew the strike on the second day evening only after getting assurance from the government to expedite solution to the problem and to cancel the dismissal orders. The Mumbai motormen have proved the potential fire power of the organized working class once again.

Unfortunately, established recognized unions were on the other side of the fence exposing the bankruptcy of the leadership of the trade union movement in the country. The government was complacent because of its understanding with recognized unions and was completely unaware of the potential of major strike power of workers outside the ambit of established unions.

Motormen strike is not actually a sudden one. Loco running staffs have a long standing complaint that they are inflicted historic injustice by subsequent pay commissions. Sixth Pay Commission has only aggravated it by fixing them at a lower grade pay not commensurate with the responsibility, skill, risk factor and experience attached to the post. Like unorganized sector workers, the motormen too face the problem of working for more than 14-16 hours a day. More than 25 percent vacant posts are still not filled and the existing motormen bear the brunt of this lack of adequate workforce and are burdened with heavy workload. There are around 1.9 lakh vacancies for loco running staff at all-India level of which 90000 fall under the safety category. Unlike other segments of working class, Mumbai motormen enjoy widespread sympathy among commuters in spite of their hardships, which is very uncommon. Motormen are not even able to spare enough time for their family life because of the unmanageable work loads. They have put forth a demand for an assistant loco pilot for every train as it involves the safety of lakhs and lakhs of passengers. These are other non-monetary, service condition related demands of the workers.

The issue is being raised by the motormen in various ways since the pay commission announced pay packages two years ago. Protests are being held in various forms like Dharna, wearing black badge, hunger fast, etc. Earlier, the Loco running staff declared to go on strike on 26 January. However, this was averted with the government assuring to institute a fast track committee to look into their demands. The committee was set up in mid-February but it never initiated the process of resolving the issue by meeting workers and unions. Workers ultimatum of April 15 to solve the issue was not taken seriously by the government and the Railway Board. Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee did not even bother to involve herself in sorting out the issue while Mumbai and parliament were paralysed. She was busy with her own state municipal elections. Frustrated workers went on with hunger strike and in turn, the lightning strike.

The motormen of Mumbai led by JAF and loco running staff led by AILRSA are determined to again go on struggle to achieve their demands. The lightning strike is a warning to the anti-worker government and its callous administration.

V. Shankar

Coal Workers’ Strike Against Disinvestment

India’s Coal Industry, regulated by the Coal India Ltd., is a major disinvestment target of UPA-II govt., along with some other major CPSUs of the country. The Coal Minister, Sri Prakash Jaiswal, has already declared the intention of the Central Government to denationalize the coal industry. The Government through its present budget intends to amass Rs. 40,000 crore from selling off the profit-making CPSUs by means of disinvestment.

The coal industry has become a test case for disinvestment. It is the coal workers (and also bank employees) who have most intensely resisted and so far successfully stalled the attempts of the Central Government to amend the Nationalization Act to pave way for wholesale disinvestment and privatization. Given the fact that a large part of coal workers including regular and contract workers, particularly in Jharkhand, hail from nearby areas and villages the resistance to denationalization attempts has always assumed a mass dimension.

The UPA Government’s disinvestment drive forced 5 central TUs (CITU, AITUC, INTUC, BMS and HMS representing coal workers in JBCCI- joint bipartite committee for coal industry) to call a 3-day strike from 5 to 7 May on a 10-point charter of demands comprising some major demands like stopping disinvestment and handing over coal blocks to private hands, providing wages and other facilities to contract workers in accordance with 8th wage agreement, compensation and jobs to the displaced, stopping deduction on perquisite tax, declaring one lakh new recruitments, etc. The AICCTU-affiliated union – Coal Mines Workers’ Union (CMWU) – had separately given a call in support of this 3-day strike on a 14-point charter of demands including the above demands.

This strike call had galvanized the workers of coal industry and preparations were in full swing, but suddenly three unions in JBCCI- INTUC, BMS & AITUC withdrew from strike call and surrendered particularly on the issue of disinvestment after talks of 5 unions with the CIL management on 16 April 2010. Later on, another union affiliated to HMS also withdrew from the strike call. These five unions also met Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee a few days before the start of strike, perhaps to strike a deal. So, it is evident that from the very beginning these five unions were vacillating on the question of strike.

It is highly ironical that those unions who, through national level joint trade union action involving 9 CTUs, are raising the demand of stopping disinvestment and privatization of CPSUs along with four other demands, chose to retreat from the strike call in coal sector on the same issue of stopping disinvestment and privatization in coal industry. Their duality in action thus stands exposed. However, notwithstanding the retreat by four unions in JBCCI on the strike call, the AICCTU-affiliated CMWU and also CITU-affiliated unions including BCKU continued with the strike call, and in the changed situation both the unions separately gave a strike notice for a one day strike on 5 May.

The strike call received an enthusiastic response in the biggest area of coal mining, the coal belt of Jharkhand and also adjoining areas of W. Bengal, recording up to 80% success in some areas of Jharkhand, despite the retreat by four unions and the strike-breaking role played by some of them. The coal workers have a glorious history of militant struggles against privatization and outsourcing and they have also won a 5-year wage agreement despite the nefarious designs of government to force a 10-year wage agreement on workers in the coal industry. The success of this strike, which was mainly against the policies of the Government, is a clear pointer to the coming upheaval of workers of coal industry. The success of the strike also shows that the independent assertion of the left is the need of hour instead of depending on rightwing trade unions like INTUC and BMS. The independent assertion of left will only ensure the isolation of rightwing trade unions and mobilization of coal workers under the red flag.

To take the example of Jharkhand, the strike was quite effective in the Mugma area of ECL and generally in BCCL and CCL. Even the media had to acknowledge the success of the strike. In the Mugma area of ECL, the strike was nearly complete and the AICCTU-affiliated CMWU was the leading force in organizing strike there. In BCCL, Dhanbad district, the strike was 80% successful. In the Jharia area, despite the main union of this area, the Janata Mazdoor Sangh, not participating in the strike, the strike was still partially implemented. In areas 10, 11 and 12 of BCCL, CMWU was in a leading role. In these areas the CMWU workers organized rallies and demonstrations. In most of the areas of the CCL subsidiary, including mines and workshops, the strike was effective and nearly 60% of the workers observed strike. In Argadda, Ramgarh the strike was complete under the leadership of CMWU. In other areas of its influence CMWU went all out to make the strike successful.

Sukhdev Prasad

First All-India Conference of Health Workers Confederation

The First All-India Conference of All India Health Employees and Workers Confederation was held successfully at Jabalpur on 9-10 April 2010. About 250 delegates from 62 unions of health employees from all over India participated in the conference. The conference was hosted by All India Ordinance Factories Paramedical Staff Association, Jabalpur. Some of the important unions which participated in the conference were PGI MTA Chandigarh, URMU Railway, NDMCEU, AIOFPMSA Jabalpur, ESIC (Medical) Employees union and unions affiliated to Central Health Employees Federation (CHEF) like Safadarjung, Ram Manohar Lohia, LRS TB hospital, CGHS etc.

Comrade Swapan Mukherjee, General Secretary, AICCTU was the chief guest at the Conference, which was inaugurated by Comrade S K Vyas, President of the Confederation of Central Government Employees and Workers. In his inaugural speech Comrade Vyas pointed out anomalies in the recommendations of the Sixth Pay Commission, particularly with respect to group C and D staff.

In his address, Comrade Swapan highlighted the privatization of the health sector. The UPA government in its second term is vigorously pursuing the policy of opening up the health sector (along with other social sectors like education) to private capital: a policy that is fatal for the Indian people. He called upon the health employees to rise to the challenge and intensify the struggle for People’s Health against the Government’s drive of reserving the health sector for private profit.

The conference demanded that central and various state governments must stop immediately all steps taken, overtly or covertly, for commercializing/privatizing health services. It also demanded that right to health care must be given status of fundamental right of citizen. The conference unanimously condemned the attacks on democratic rights of citizens, activists and intellectuals by governments and it demanded immediate halt on the reign of terror unleashed on poor and tribal people by government in the name of fighting ‘Maoism and terrorism’. The conference demanded lawful and justified wages and other labor rights to all workers in unorganized sector and an immediate halt to the extreeme exploitation of workers engaged in preparation for Commonwealth Games in Delhi.

The conference also took a decision to organize health workers working under state governments. In the coming days, the confederation will continue to lead the struggle for the issues arising out of adverse recommendations of pay commission, but its main focus will be to fight against privatization of health services by governments. The conference elected a 7-member executive with Com. Ramkishan as General Secretary.

Almost a year back, health unions had decided to form the Confederation, mainly to fight for three demands - to stop outsourcing and contractualization in health services at any level and in any form; to continue patient care allowance for all section of health employees and make it part of basic pay; and to place paramedical staff in PB-II instead of PB-I and form a paramedical council.

Last year, on the call of the Confederation, an all India strike took place which lasted for 6 days. The Government hit back by victimizing leaders and activists. But this has strengthened the Confederation further and the Government was forced to continue patient care allowance on an interim basis. In the meantime the UPA-II Government has started commercialization and privatization of health services on a large scale under its policy of public-private-partnership. The Confederation will aim to expose this policy by forging unity with different people’s organizations around the slogan “save public health services”.

Chandan Negi

Struggle of Mumbai‘s Textile Mill Workers for Rehabilitation

In 1982 Mumbai’s Textiles Mill workers waged a historic and long battle under the leadership of militant leader Dr. Datta Samant. 28 years later, the mill workers are back on the path of struggle on the demand of rehabilitation.

Mumbai Textile workers have a rich legacy of struggle dating back to the early years of the previous century. In 1908, the British rulers had sentenced Lokmanya Tilak for six years in jail. Mumbai’s textile mill workers protested against it, and went on strike for 6 days, one day of strike in protest against every year of the six-year sentence. Mumbai textile workers’ movement played a pivotal role not only in the history of the trade union movement but also in the emergence of the Communist Party and some other workers’ parties.

Even in the naval revolt of 1946, Mumbai textile workers supported whole-heartedly. The role of Mumbai textile workers in “Sayunkta Maharashtra Movement along with Mumbai” is also a historic one. They were the backbone of this movement, and many textile workers got martyred in this movement.

The 1982 historic struggle of Mumbai textile workers was brutally crushed by the then ruling Congress Party in collaboration with mill owners which resulted into forced unemployment. 80 thousand to 1 lakh workers were sacked ruthlessly by mill owners to crush this struggle. Those mill workers who re-joined mill after strike were humiliated, forced to work in inhuman conditions including heavy workload to ensure huge profits for mill owners. In later years the mill owners in the name of modernization forced the textile mill workers to leave jobs.

In 1991 Mr. Sharad Pawar declared that Mumbai would be built on the lines of Hong Kong and Singapore. Immediately after that the Development Control Regulation (D C Rule) was revised and accordingly mill owners adopted a new strategy. They closed the mills and started redeveloping the mill-land for huge profits. Even profit-making mills like Bombay Dyeing, Mafatlal, Morarjee, Birla’s Century, Thakarsey group and Piramal group mills were all closed down. The mill owners started re-development on their mills land for constructing residential complexes, hotels, malls and commercial complexes.

By this time the Shivsena-BJP alliance had risen as a force and their agenda of ‘Hindutva’ had hogged the limelight. This alliance, which was then in power in BMC (Bombay Municipal Corporation), openly supported the Congress’ policy of demolishing the textile mills. With mills closed, mill workers began to leave Mumbai. The assassination of Dr. Datta Samant by hired killers of big capital marked a huge setback for the textile workers’ movement and the entire working class at this crucial juncture. After the death of Datta Samant the process of transformation of Mumbai as Hong Kong and Singapore proceeded in full swing resulting in large-scale shutting down of industries. Textile, engineering, automobiles, pharmaceuticals, chemical, rubber, all industries disappeared and the builder lobby took charge of Mumbai and Thane. Once a predominately production centre, Mumbai now has become a major trading centre.

According to the revised DC Rule for modernization and re-development of Mills estates, if any mill owner wants to sell or develop his mill’s land then he has to fulfill the following terms:

1. Out of total land 1/3rd land is to be developed directly by him,

2. 1/3rd land should be handed over to BMC,

3. 1/3rd land should be handed over to MHADA (Maharashtra Housing), and half portion of MHADA’s land should be given to textile mill workers for housing purpose.

From 1991 to 2005 mill owners sold their mill’s land and made huge profits, without giving a piece of land to textile mill workers for housing complex. The textile mill workers became a forgotten history for the Govt. as well as mill owners. In recent past, “Sarva Shramik Sanghtana” has made a powerful intervention demanding rehabilitation of textile mill workers by providing free housing for all textile mill workers in textile land. Sarva Shramik Sanghtana was an associate of Datta Samant-led Textile workers’ movement. First of all it united the city’s scattered textile workers on the demands of employment created on land of mills by development of Industries and residential complexes, Yellow Ration Cards, ESIC Scheme Benefits and most importantly Rehabilitation of workers by providing FREE HOUSE. On these demands, thousands of textile mill workers came on the roads and streets. Agitations and Morchas were taken out in front of the houses of MPS and MLAs. Forms of struggle like “Rasta Roko” and “Jail Bharo” were also resorted to. This movement was not restricted to Mumbai, it covered various other parts of Maharashtra too.

Most of the textile mill workers had left Mumbai after losing their jobs and settled down at their native places. The scattered textile mill workers got united under the banner of Sarva Sharmik Sanghatana and through their struggle they compelled the government and textile mill owners to provide some of the land for their housing complexes. Sarva Shramik Sanghtana spread this movement throughout Maharashtra from Mumbai to western parts and Konkan region. This struggle led to the construction of 15 thousand houses for textile mill workers. Even Rs. 2 Lakh subsidy has also been announced for the workers by the Govt. But this announcement has not satisfied workers, their demand for free houses for all textile mill workers is yet to be met. The Sanghatana is not going to stop the fight unless and until the demand for rehabilitation and free houses for all textile mill workers is fulfilled.

Now they are planning for agitation along with their families to strengthen this struggle. This struggle is not restricted to textile mill workers alone; rather the Sanghatana has directed it against the anti-worker policies of the government by involving the entire working class in it. Even in rural areas the mill workers have united small farmers against government policies. In the recently held Assembly Elections in Maharashtra, the Sanghtana fought in two constituencies in Mumbai and Kolhapur, with the aim of spreading this new political message among the textile workers. This has influenced some other segments of the working class too.

The state and the capitalists together had almost crushed the textile mill workers, but once again the workers have begun to rise under the banner of the “Sarva Shramik Sanghatana” holding high the Red Flag. Through this struggle they are once again setting up an example for the future working class generations.

Uday Bhat