‘Land to the Landless’ has become the slogan for a fresh round of land struggles in the state of Kerala that claims to have implemented one of the ‘most progressive’ pieces of land reform legislation in the country. These land struggles, in itself, are the tragic commentary of the ‘most progressive’ land reform that reduced the slogan of ‘Land to the Tiller’ to ‘Land to the Tenants’ in practice. Lakhs of agricultural labourers who were mostly dalits and most backwards and also the adivasis were forced to remain out of the purview of the first phase of land reforms in the state. The demand for second phase of land reforms is being forcefully raised today. The new momentum of land struggles from Muthanga to Chengara is only an expression of the thirst for land by the landless poor who were deprived of their share in the first phase. These struggles also expose the limits and the farce of the hitherto implemented land reforms. They are also an indication that the demand for land can never be saturated unless thoroughgoing radical land reform is made a reality.

Unfortunately, the so-called champions of land reforms of ’50s have turned into the foes of reforms. Moreover, they have begun to undo whatever ‘progressive’ aspects were left behind by offering thousands of acres of lands to SEZs and by refusing to takeover thousands of acres of lands lying with big corporate houses. When the Chief Minister Achuthanandan displayed his sympathy towards the demand for second phase of land reforms without any substantial subsequent follow-up steps, the state secretary of CPI(M) put an end to the debate by calling it ‘gibberish’ extremism. The party, in its characteristic liking for ‘industrialization’, has put the demand at the backburner and has started adopting a method of pitting workers against the struggling landless dalits and the poor. Worker-peasant unity Zindabad!

The Historic Compromise

The first historic compromise with the capital by the ‘communist’ state government was the legislation in 1963, which was a most diluted and a highly distorted version of land reform legislation proposed in 1957. By then, the party had become sufficiently ‘mature’ to evade the axe of dissolution falling on its head that was confronted by the first communist government headed by EMS for the fault of passing pro-peasant land reform and education bills. The new act, known as Kerala Land Reform Act, 1963, came into force only in 1970 after it was incorporated in the ninth schedule in order to escape legal challenges in the courts.

In the backdrop of the communist party attaining ‘maturity’ in effecting historic compromises, it is not surprising that less than one percent of the total landholding was redistributed in the first phase. Out of a total of 62.5 lakhs of acres of land, only around 1 lakh acres of land was actually taken over by the government, while the estimated surplus was around 10 lakhs. According to Finance Minister Thomas Isaac, the government had taken over more than 99,277 acres of land out of which only 71,400 acres were actually redistributed while another 43,776 acres were yet to be acquired. The party also promptly came up with the argument that the land reform is essentially a bourgeois reform in order to justify its compromises and surrender to the capital and designed its policies to operate as a junior partner within the parameters of bourgeoisie system.

Lakhs of acres of lands under plantations owned by big capital were all excluded from the purview of land reforms. Exemption given to trust lands came in handy for the feudal forces to escape the provisions of land ceiling. Vast tracts of lands owned by the Syrian Catholic Churches were also excluded from the purview of land reforms and left untouched. In spite of all these exemptions, the government still had the choice to takeover more than 10 lakh acres of surplus land but could succeed in taking over only ten percent of it. If this is the most successful implementation of land reform in the entire country, imagine the pathetic situation elsewhere. Calling the state a land-locked one is a popular misconception. In fact, land is conspiratorially locked with big capital and its stooges.

‘Tata Rekha’ of Munnar Demolitions

The entire Kannan Devan Hills tea estates in Munnar covering more than 60,000 acres of land are owned by Tatas on a long term lease. In 1972, the state government has issued orders allotting 1,43,000 acres of land to the Tatas. The much celebrated pioneer of the second phase of reforms, ‘Munnar demolitions’ led by the Chief Minister VS Achuthanandan (VS), did not dare to go anywhere nearer to the takeover of Tata’s lands, including the tracts illegally encroached by them, but for some cosmetic maneuverings like removing the name board. The Harrisons Malayalam Company of RP Goenka group has a long term lease ownership of more than 62,500 acres of land. Lease term of most of their plantations is already over but they are still claiming ownership without any records. The 99-year lease term of Chengara area of around 2,500 acres (another 5,000 acres is said to be encroached by the company) over which land struggle is on, expired by 1985 itself, but the company is still claiming ownership on the pretext of ownership of rubber plantations in the land. Syrian Churches also own vast tracts of land. This is only a tip of the iceberg to explain the pattern of protection of the interests of the big capital while vast majority of landless poor are being deprived of their legitimate rights over agricultural land.

Fixation of land ceiling and enforcing it ruthlessly, in order to takeover the excess land, is an important cornerstone of any land reform legislation. In the initial period, the requirement of fixation of ceiling was done and it was at around 15 standard acres. But, over a period of time the ceiling was changed many times and ultimately, with too many exemptions and with many new legislations like the one in favour of SEZs and with newer and newer policies like land policy etc., the essential progressive content of land reform legislation was totally removed. Effective liquidation of land reform through indirect means coupled with pro-corporate and pro-big capital agricultural and land policies of the CPI(M) in the name of industrialization has buried all remnants of progressivism.

In fact, ‘Munnar demolitions’, aborted midway, are the continuation of the very same approach of compromise with the interests of big capital exhibited since the dissolution of the first communist government in the state. When the entire CPI(M) establishment is dependent on Tatas for industrialization and even prepared to massacre protesting farmers in Singur and Nandigram in West Bengal, the ‘poor’ Chief Minister of Kerala could not go any further in Munnar and the ‘Lakshman Rekha’ was drawn by none other than the Tatas. The captain and his demolition squad had to withdraw after some cosmetic demolitions and that too when they touched the name board of Tatas even the officer-in-command of Munnar operations had to be sacked. The VS rhetoric could not go any further away from its due fate of social democracy!

Turnaround in Human Development

The celebrated Kerala model has reached its point of saturation. The Kerala model of excellent Human Development Index with low level of per capita income has become obsolete. There are debates about the nature and function of the turnaround in growth. As a result, with an increase in growth rate geared up by globalization and economic reforms, the human development indicators have started falling. The Kerala model appears to have outlived its utility for capital. Corresponding to the changing pattern of growth, bureaucrats have started proposing repeal of the law of land reforms already in vogue in other states, so as to smoothen the transfer of land to the MNCs and big corporate houses. Pinarayi Vijayan’s argument of opposition to part with the land at Chengara in favour of the struggling people concurs with such proposals and indicates the new direction the government is to assume in the coming days. ‘Industrialisation at any cost’ is the mantra of the ‘official’ Left. The aggressive drive to offer thousands of acres of land to the SEZs is not an isolated phenomenon but is very much an integral part of the gradually gaining momentum of pro-capital reforms. It is a matter of time that a political decision is made and the day is not very far off.

It is in this backdrop that one must locate the Chengara pattern of land struggle. More than 5000 families, mainly of dalits and adivasis, have occupied rubber plantations of Harrisons Malayalam Company since August 2007 and remarkably holding on to it till date despite heavy odds, braving police, administration and goondas alongside the hostility of the ruling dispensation of Left parties. Having the experience of Muthanga in mind, the protesters are very particular about maintaining their non-party identity and independence. The protesters demand redistribution of erstwhile lands of Harrisons Malayalam whose lease period expired in 1985 itself. Still, the company is retaining the land without any valid documents. Harrisons Malayalam is not the only company to have encroached on government land even after the expiry of lease term. There are many other companies as well. But, authentic information is not available on the lease period and the government itself appears to be in the dark. The government also has not completed the resurvey of lands since the formation of the state, which has become an advantage to the big corporate capital.

In Lieu of Conclusion

The LDF-articulated first phase of land reforms has come a full circle negating whatever radicalism was left, and has already undone the land reforms. Even when the implementation of the same was successful, it could only replace the domination of feudal lords with a new variety of kulaks and capitalist bourgeoisie in the rural power structure. But, the legislation could not achieve the target of transferring the rural power to the powerless agricultural labourers and poor peasants. Rather, the social democratic politics advocated by the CPI(M) and the LDF, coupled with its politics of compromise, has made it a party of a section of kulaks and middle strata. This is further reinforced by its slogan of pan-peasant unity in rural areas. All these have ultimately led to the alienation of agricultural labourers, including dalits, adivasis and rural poor from the official Left. The Chengara struggle is a concentrated expression of this alienation. On the other hand, it is also a telling commentary of the politics of social democracy and the failure of the land reforms in the state. In this background, the demand for a second phase of land reforms is very much justified and it can only be a proletarian response to the agrarian crisis confronting the state. Every other response, including revision of land policy, encouraging SEZs, various forms of consolidation of lands, contract farming, etc., can only be a bourgeois response. Instead of a proletarian response to the crisis, the LDF in power in the state has opted for a bourgeois response, in the name of industrialization and development. Kerala society is crying for a thoroughgoing radical land reform in a real sense.